Sunday, 4 October 2026

LET IT FUCKING GO

 There are some well meaning people who are quietly smug in their kkkanadian nationalism .
There is a lot of ugliness there , and a simple fucking apology seems worthless.

And it takes over 80 years to get that worthless apology .

New monument to Japanese Canadians reminder of dark period in B.C.’s past

The names of more than 22,000 people sent to internment camps during the Second World War are etched into the curving wall of panels.

Henry Shimizu was a carefree 13-year-old, working in his parents’ hotel and restaurant in Prince Rupert, fishing with friends and attending school, when his life was turned upside down.

It was 1942, and government agents arrived with orders that all people of Japanese descent had to leave.

Henry’s parents, Shotaro and Kimiko Shimizu, were told to pack up suitcases and gather their four children. They were loaded onto trucks for a long, miserable ride to Vancouver, where they stayed in animal stalls in Hastings Park.

They were issued woollen, numbered blankets, which they could use for either privacy or warmth in barns that reeked of cattle and horse dung.

The Shimizu family was later transferred to an internment camp at New Denver, in the Kootenays, where they spent four years living in shacks with another family — 12 people in total stacked in bunks in two bedrooms with a common ­cooking area. It was more than 1,600 kilometres from the home and life they had built on the coast.

The shiplap walls of the shacks in the internment camps were built with green slabs of wood, which separated the first winter, letting in cold wind and drifts of snow.

This week, Shimizu — a month shy of his 98th birthday — saw his name etched into one of 100 half-ton slabs of granite that form a 300-foot-long wall and ornate garden at the new Japanese Canadian Monument.

Dozens of survivors, their families and dignitaries gathered on Saturday to officially open the monument at Academy Close, between the north end of Beacon Hill Park and St. Ann’s Academy.

The curved pattern of stone slabs hugged an audience of ­hundreds as they gathered to honour the monument’s dedication.

Geri Onishi Kraus travelled to Victoria from London, Ont., to attend the ceremony, searching for her name and those of many of her family and friends.

Kraus was born in Hamilton after her parents were removed from the west coast of B.C. and said it wasn’t something they spoke about growing up.

“I didn’t know until my father was in his 80s.”

Etched into the curving wall of panels are names of more than 22,000 Japanese Canadians who were forcibly removed from the west coast and sent to internment camps during the Second World War.

More than 3,000 Japanese Canadians were moved off Vancouver Island, including more than 300 from the Victoria area and 79 from Mayne Island.

Each name is listed by the region where they were torn from their homes, their possessions and properties confiscated and later sold in weekly auctions by the provincial government. Homes, businesses, farms, boats, household items — even pets — were sold off.

Properties were sold for cash at a fraction of their value, and the Japanese Canadians were forced to accept it, some taking the money with them to camps and using it to survive and to eventually start over.

Paul Kariya, president of Japanese Canadian Legacies Society, said at the ceremony that while the memorial can’t bring back homes, fishing boats and businesses, the stone etchings mean “the names of those uprooted will endure.”

More than 90% of Japanese Canadians living in B.C. were detained under the War Measures Act, even though most were Canadian citizens, including members of Shimizu’s family.

“They assumed we were enemies, but we were born in Canada,” said Shimizu, whose father had come to Canada in 1907, working hard to save enough to open a hotel and buy rental houses with a partner.

“They ignored that. They said, ‘You are from Japan.’ ”

Eventually, he said, “the government did feel a little guilty because they realized that most of us were born in Canada and they were putting us in jail with no wrongdoing. I think they realized they had done us a lot of harm and wanted to do something for us that’s positive.”

The monument project is part of a $100-million redress package announced by then B.C. Premier John Horgan in 2022 in recognition of wrongs committed by the province against Japanese Canadians during the Second World War. The money was earmarked to support heritage and education initiatives, and the monument in a Japanese-inspired garden is the centrepiece.

The process of researching and collecting the names inscribed on the memorial walls spanned more than seven years and was done by the University of Victoria’s Humanities Computing and Media Centre in partnership with the Japanese Canadian Legacies Society.

Thousands were forcibly removed from a 160-kilometre exclusion zone from the coast and sent to hastily built camps at former mining sites and farms in the B.C. Interior. Others were sent to road-building camps or to sugar beet farms in Alberta, as well as camps in Ontario and Manitoba. About 4,000 were exiled to Japan, a country many had never even known.

The camps in B.C. were around places like Greenwood, Kaslo, East Lillooet, Hope and in the Slocan Valley, where one of the largest was near New Denver, with hundreds of shacks built in open farm fields.

In 1949, Japanese Canadians were permitted to return to the west coast, but they were still subjected to racist policies and treatment for years, and many communities never recovered.

After their internment, the Shimizu family moved to Edmonton, where Henry worked weekends as an “elevator boy” in a hospital, living in the basement with other orderlies and maintenance staff.

He kept his memories of internment to himself for many years, determined to continue working hard to improve his life without remorse or anger, and studied hard for a career in medicine.

He eventually enjoyed a long career as a plastic surgeon and clinical professor at the University of Alberta Hospital, training new generations of medical practitioners.

Shimizu’s daughter Yoshiko Shimizu, the youngest of his four children, said the new memorial will go a long way toward educating Canadians about what happened to her family. “When I was in high school, only ­Japanese descendants knew internment camps ever happened,” she said. “It was the secret shame in Canada that nobody would talk about. But it’s changing now.”

Another section of the monument has the names of 3,113 children born to families after the uprooting began and before the restrictions were lifted on March 31, 1949.

Among them is Tony Ibaraki. His father lived in Kelowna and owned property and wasn’t sent to the camps, but his mother was moved from the coast to Hasting Park and then to a camp in Greenwood in south-central B.C.

In 1945, Ibaraki’s father was given paperwork to pick up his bride-to-be.

“They didn’t talk about any of this until after 1949,” said ­Ibaraki. “They didn’t want to identify themselves as Japanese for a long time. It was hard.

“But I think a lot of people who were interned would be in seventh heaven to see this.”

The monument was both a challenge and inspiration for Hamilton, Ont.-based architect Bruce Kuwabara, whose parents and relatives were forced inland from the coast.

The idea was to create a naming wall similar to the Vietnam War Memorial in Washington, D.C., but in a more accessible form, as opposed to a long continuous wall.

“We made panels that were the size of a door. It scaled well to the individual standing in front of it. We wanted an intimate monumentality,” said Kuwabara, who expects the wall to become a pilgrimage site. “People will come to the wall, see the name and touch it.”

The 100 granite panels are placed in a wave pattern, depicting the 100-mile or 160-kilometre exclusion zone, he said.

None of the panels touch — they’re separated with uniform spaces that allow the panels to “curve” over the distance and let light and air through.

“I’m paraphrasing Leonard Cohen, who said there’s a crack in everything — that’s how the light gets through. It represents rupture and struggle. The air and the light gets through to represent healing,” said Kuwabara. “This wall breathes.”

Kuwabara’s parents were also sent to Hastings Park animal pens and later moved to ­Sandon, near New Denver, where his mother raised the children while his father and some of his brothers were sent off to work camps clearing forest and building parts of the Trans-Canada Highway.

When the war ended in 1945, the federal government offered interned people the choice of deportation or relocation east of the Rocky Mountains.

Kuwabara said the federal government offered some $3,000 to go to Japan, but many had never been to the country. “So a lot started to migrate because they never had anything to go back to,” said Kuwabara, noting strong communities were formed in Steveston, Vancouver and Victoria, though many, like his family, settled in Ontario.

Deportation was later cancelled due to public protest, but not before about 4,000 people were sent to Japan. On April 1, 1949, Japanese Canadians were given the right to vote, and the legal restrictions to control their movements were removed.

The episode is now acknowledged as one of the worst human rights violations in B.C.’s history.

In 1988, the federal government formally apologized and offered compensation to Japanese Canadian survivors and their families.

Architect Jack Kobayashi of Whitehorse-based Kobayashi Zedda worked with Susanne Tabata, chief executive of the Japanese Canadian Legacies Society, on the first pre-design of the monument, which formed the scope and scale of the project. The province then selected Toronto-based architecture firm KPMB, led by founding partner Bruce Kuwabara, who worked with Vancouver-based landscape architect Kelty Miyoshi McKinnon of PFS Studio. Chandos Construction is the general contractor.

Quebec-based Premier Jet engraved the walls. Interpretive boulders, including a dedication by the Songhees First Nation, were engraved by Victoria’s Mortimer’s Monumental Works.

At the ceremony, architect Kuwabara said the curved design for the monument was chosen by community members because of how it emulates a ripple of water. “In that, was a metaphor of change,” he said. The ripple creates three smaller bays for reflection, and each slab resembles a large door.

For Kuwabara, the design was rooted in a strong personal connection. “My entire family on both sides are on the wall,” he said.

dkloster@timescolonist.com


AND IT CONTINUES

 There have been many stupid assholes who have called israel  the only democracy in the middle east. I guess this business as fucking usual for " democracies " .

 

Israel Detains Journalists as Settlers Burn Olive Trees, Attack Palestinian Farmers

Israeli occupation forces detained two journalists in the West Bank. (Photo: QNN)
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By Palestine Chronicle Staff  

Israeli occupation forces detained two journalists as settlers attacked West Bank towns and villages, following 530 documented arrests of Palestinians during September alone.

Key Takeaways

  • Israeli occupation forces detained journalists Sami al-Shami and Raja Marouf Jabr during separate raids near Nablus and Jenin early Sunday.
  • Illegal Israeli settlers attacked farmers, schoolchildren, homes and vehicles across the West Bank, burning olive trees and damaging agricultural land.
  • A Palestinian monitoring center documented 530 arrests in September, including 39 children and 15 women and girls, alongside more than 625 administrative detention orders.

Two Journalists Arrested During Home Raids

Israeli occupation forces detained two Palestinian journalists during separate raids in the occupied West Bank early Sunday, Quds News Network reported.

In Asira al-Qibliya, south of Nablus, Israeli occupation forces entered the town and raided several homes before arresting journalist Sami al-Shami and a number of young men.

In Arraba, south of Jenin, forces raided the home of journalist Raja Marouf Jabr, searched and disturbed its contents, and arrested her, according to the Palestinian Prisoners’ Club.

The arrests followed a month in which the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate documented 84 violations against journalists and media workers.

Its August report recorded seven arrests and 30 incidents involving detention or the prevention of press crews from working. It also documented a journalist wounded by gunfire, six assaults, six incidents involving death threats or the brandishing of weapons, and seven cases of confiscation or deletion of journalistic material.

The syndicate recorded the death of a journalist inside Israeli prisons during the month, alongside 10 incidents involving tear gas and three settler attacks. Other violations included damage to or confiscation of equipment and raids on media institutions and journalists’ homes.

In Gaza, the Government Media Office said 262 journalists and media workers had been killed since the beginning of the genocide, including 26 women, while more than 433 had been injured.

The office reported that 50 journalists and media professionals whose names were known had been arrested, with 23 still detained. Three journalists remained missing, and 28 influential media activists had been killed.

It also said 32 families of killed journalists had been wiped out and 53 journalists’ homes had been wholly or partially destroyed. The office described the attacks on journalists, their families, workplaces and equipment as part of a policy aimed at restricting reporting from Gaza.

Settlers Attack Students, Farmers and Homes

Meanwhile, illegal Israeli Jewish settler attacks over the preceding 24 hours affected towns and villages across the occupied West Bank, targeting Palestinian residents, olive trees, agricultural land, vehicles and homes, Quds News Network reported.

Near Jenin, the Palestinian Red Crescent said a man was injured in a settler assault in Arrabuna. Settlers also set fire to Palestinian land in Jaba’, south of Jenin, and Beit Imrin, northwest of Nablus.

In Huwwara, south of Nablus, illegal settlers attacked students heading to Huwwara Boys Secondary School. Residents confronted settler attacks in the town and in nearby Osarin.

During the Osarin attack, illegal settlers damaged Palestinian vehicles and assaulted residents. Red Crescent crews treated a man who had been severely beaten during an attack on farmers.

Armed settlers accompanied by Israeli occupation forces also attacked farmers on the outskirts of Burin. Other attacks targeted farmers south of Baqa al-Hatab, east of Qalqilya, while illegal settlers released livestock onto Palestinian land in the Al-Dhahra area of Beita.

In Awarta, settlers entered the village and performed religious rituals at the Al-Uzair shrine.

Around Ramallah, settlers carried out excavation and bulldozing on Palestinian land in Umm Safa, threw stones at vehicles on the Marj Si’a road between Abu Falah and Al-Mughayyir, and assaulted farmers in Deir Dibwan.

In Rantis, west of Ramallah, members of a Palestinian family were injured in another settler attack.

Illegal Israeli Jewish settlers burned more than 50 olive trees on a resident’s land in Abu Dis, near occupied East Jerusalem, as well as ancient olive trees in the surrounding wilderness.

In Masafer Yatta, south of Hebron (Al-Khalil), illegal settlers released cattle near Palestinian homes in Khallat al-Homs and attacked homes in Wadi al-Rakheem. In Wadi Jheish, near As-Samu, settlers attacked a house, burned a vehicle and wrote hostile slogans.

September Arrests Include Children and Women

The Palestinian Center for Prisoner Studies documented 530 arrests by Israeli forces in the occupied West Bank and Jerusalem during September, including 39 children and 15 women and girls.

The center said its total excluded hundreds of Palestinians subjected to temporary mass detention during raids. Those detained in the field were held for hours, with some subjected to beatings, insults and threats before release, according to its monthly report cited by Quds News Network.

The youngest child arrested was 13-year-old Habib Allah al-Qawasmeh from Hebron. The center said some children were transferred to detention and interrogation facilities, while others received administrative detention orders.

Approximately 360 Palestinian children remain detained in the children’s sections of Megiddo and Ofer prisons, according to the center.

Women arrested during September included journalist Naqa Hamed from Ramallah, who was held for two weeks on incitement charges before being released. Jerusalem activist Khadija Suweis received orders banning her from Al-Aqsa Mosque and preventing her from traveling.

The report also documented the death of 21-year-old Mu’taz Nizam al-Atrash from Hebron inside Ofer prison.

Al-Atrash was arrested in October 2025 and placed in administrative detention, which was renewed twice. His health deteriorated before his death, the center said, holding Israeli authorities responsible and accusing them of torture, medical neglect, starvation and abuse.

According to the center, his death brought the number of Palestinians who have died in Israeli custody since 1967 to 329, including 92 since October 7, 2023.

Israeli authorities issued more than 625 administrative detention orders during September, encompassing new orders and extensions.

The center also documented the transfer of prisoners to administrative detention after their sentences expired, including Amir Allan from Nablus, whose seven-and-a-half-year sentence had ended.

Regarding Gaza, the center said 61 detainees were released during September, many in poor physical and psychological condition, with some requiring hospital treatment. It also reported the arrest of 10 fishermen while working off the Gaza City coast.

(PC, QNN)

Thursday, 1 October 2026

IT'S NOT JUST TRUMP IT'S THE ENTIRE SYSTEM

 You can wish obama was back in office , or hillary , or any of the other assholes wanting to run the amerikkkan empire , but the truth is that they are all supporting and pushing forward the interests of their system , whether they are outright fascists like trump , or the "good guys" like obama .

Please read this :

American Crime Case #102: Barack Obama’s Deadly Drone Strikes: Hundreds of Civilians Killed as Part of the U.S. War for Empire

Bob Avakian has written that one of three things that has “to happen in order for there to be real and lasting change for the better: People have to fully confront the actual history of this country and its role in the world up to today, and the terrible consequences of this.” 

3 Things that have to happen in order for there to be real and lasting change for the better:

1) People have to fully confront the actual history of this country and its role in the world up to today, and the terrible consequences of this.

2) People have to dig seriously and scientifically into how this system of capitalism-imperialism actually works, and what this actually causes in the world.

3) People have to look deeply into the solution to all this.

Bob Avakian
May 1st, 2016

In that light, and in that spirit, “American Crime” is a regular feature of revcom.us. Each installment focuses on one of the 100+ worst crimes committed by the U.S. rulers—out of countless bloody crimes they have carried out against people around the world, from the founding of the U.S. to the present day.

American Crime

See all the articles in this series.

Pakistanis examine bodies of those killed by U.S. drone.

Villagers at a funeral viewing the body of a man killed by a U.S. drone attack in Pakistan, along the Afghanistan border, December 27, 2010.    Photo: AP

The Crime

Pakistani youth in house with blood-stained walls after two U.S. missiles killed 20 people in Waziristan, October 4, 2008.

Pakistani youth in house with blood-stained walls after two U.S. missiles killed 20 people in Waziristan, October 4, 2008.    Photo: AP

On January 23, 2009, three days into his first term as president, Barack Obama ordered lethal drone strikes in the Waziristan region of Pakistan. The strikes killed as many as 20 civilians.1 Obama greatly expanded U.S. drone warfare—ordering 10 times more drone strikes in Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia than his predecessor, George W. Bush, did. Under Obama’s presidency, there was a total of 563 U.S. strikes, mostly by drones, in those countries—compared to 57 strikes under Bush.2

Obama claimed that these and other drone strikes he ordered as president were targeted at armed anti-U.S. Islamic jihadists. But as the British organization Bureau of Investigative Journalism reported at the end of Obama’s two-term presidency: “Drones have hit hundreds of ordinary civilians going about their everyday life… Across his eight years in power the Bureau has recorded between 384 and 807 civilians killed by drones in Pakistan, Yemen, and Somalia.”3 Countless others were seriously injured. Many of the victims were children.

Map of the Middle East, South Asia and Northeast Africa.

Map of the Greater Middle East, parts of South Asia and Northeast Africa. Click to expand.    Credit: NormanEinstein PD

The drone strikes in Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia were “covert” operations by the CIA and the military outside of “official” U.S. wars in Afghanistan and Iraq started by Bush.4 When Obama received the Nobel “Peace” Prize toward the end of his first year in the White House, U.S. drone strikes had already killed at least 100 civilians in Pakistan during that time.5 Among them were close relatives of 13-year-old Faheem Qureshi. Faheem was at a family gathering at his home in a North Waziristan village to celebrate an uncle’s return from working overseas. A missile from a U.S. drone hit the house, killing two of Faheem’s uncles and an older cousin. Faheem was able to escape alive but needed months of medical treatment for severe injuries, including to his eyes. Doctors managed to save one eye, but he was blinded in the other. The U.S. never acknowledged the horror and death they caused to civilians in this attack.6

Once a week, Obama met with top officials to discuss targets for armed drone strikes, in sessions they called “Terror Tuesdays.” They pored over a “kill list” with notes on individual targets, which they called “baseball cards.” Then Obama gave his stamp of approval on the assassinations for that week.7 Obama reportedly said to senior staff members, “Turns out I’m really good at killing people. Didn’t know that was gonna be a strong suit of mine.”8

Civilians Targeted
A Pakistani villager holds a wreckage of a drone

A Pakistani villager holds the wreckage of a U.S. drone that crashed along the border with Afghanistan, August 25, 2011.    Photo: AP

Obama’s drones did kill some leaders and members of al-Qaeda and other anti-U.S. armed groups. But under the tactics the U.S. used, drone operators based thousands of miles away could label a group of people who had gathered as “terrorists” and treat them as “legitimate” targets.9 This meant that people not part of jihadist groups but who just lived in the same area—people gathered for community events like weddings and funerals—could suddenly become victims of drone attacks. In one such attack in Yemen in 2013, 15 people on their way to a wedding were killed in a drone strike because the U.S. assumed they were an al-Qaeda convoy.10 

Another insidious tactic was “double-tap” strikes, in which an armed drone struck a supposed target, and when people came to help the wounded or look for relatives, they were hit by a second drone attack deliberately aimed at the same spot. According to one account,11 a “double-tap” strike in Pakistan killed 18 villagers and injured 22, including an eight-year-old girl.

In 2012, U.S. drones fired multiple missiles into a tent in the village of Zowi Sidgi, instantly killing eight of the village day laborers who had gathered there to rest. One witness recounted, “When we went to where the missiles hit to help people, we saw a very horrible scene. Body parts were scattered everywhere. [I saw] bodies without heads and bodies without hands or legs. Everyone in the hut was cut to pieces.… Villagers were gathered at the scene with stretchers and water and had begun the process of poring through the aftermath when U.S. drones fired another round of missiles into the same location, killing six people and wounding two others who died soon after." 

In 2013, Amnesty International in conjunction with Human Rights Watch issued reports on civilian deaths from U.S. drone strikes in Pakistan and Yemen, and said these military actions should be considered war crimes and violations of international laws.12

Assassinations of U.S. Citizens
President Barack Obama speaks on the killing of U.S.-born Imam Anwar al-Awlaki in Yemen, September 30, 2011.

President Barack Obama speaks on the killing of U.S.-born Imam Anwar al-Awlaki in Yemen, at a ceremony at Ft. Myer in Arlington, Virginia, September 30, 2011.    Photo: AP

On September 30, 2011, a CIA drone killed Anwar al-Awlaki, an American citizen living in Yemen, along with another U.S. citizen. Al-Awlaki was an advocate of reactionary Islamic fundamentalism and voiced support for attacks against the U.S. Obama officials justified his assassination by saying he posed an “imminent” threat, based on secret “evidence.” 

The U.S. never presented any evidence that al-Awlaki had actually committed any crimes, and he had no opportunity to answer his accusers in court—in blatant violation of rights supposedly guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution. When there were press reports that the U.S. was targeting al-Awlaki, his father—a Yemeni official and scholar who had studied in the U.S.—appealed directly to Obama to stop the killing, including through a lawsuit in a U.S. court.13 Obama went ahead with green lighting the assassination and said his decision was “an easy one.”14

Less than a month later, another U.S. drone strike in Yemen killed al-Awlaki’s 16-year-old son Abdulrahman, also a U.S. citizen, along with a 17-year-old cousin and at least five other civilians. Abdulrahman had no history of involvement in any jihadist groups. U.S. officials claimed the attack was meant to kill a man they claimed was “an al-Qaeda leader,” who was not among those who died—without even a word of apology. 

The Criminals

U.S. Presidents, Republican and Democrat: Bush began the program of drone warfare, which Obama greatly expanded and which was continued and further developed by Trump and Biden.

CIA and U.S. military’s Joint Special Operations Command: They carried out drone strikes with impunity, even when innocent civilians having nothing to do with the supposed “targets” lost their lives in such attacks. 

U.S. Congress: After the September 11, 2001 attacks by jihadists on New York City and the Pentagon in Washington, DC, Congress passed the Authorization to Use Military Force (AUMF) law. It gave the President the power to “to use all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored such organizations or persons, in order to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States…." This law was so broadly worded that it allowed the President to order open and covert military actions against all kinds of forces around the world, on his say-so. This was part of the justification used by Obama for the escalation of drone attacks.

U.S. courts: Federal courts repeatedly dismissed suits challenging the constitutionality of the Obama drone program, siding with the government’s argument that judicial review would risk exposing state secrets and hinder the ability to act against those the President declares are threats to the U.S.15

The Alibi

For the first several years of the Obama presidency, U.S. officials refused to disclose anything about the drone strikes and other military actions in Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia, which were outside of the officially acknowledged wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. With increasing reports of civilian deaths, Obama and his officials began trying to justify the drone wars. 

They claimed that drone strikes were only authorized when the targets posed a “continuing imminent threat to U.S. persons,” without providing specifics on how they arrived at such a determination.16 They often cited the Authorization to Use Military Force law passed by Congress17 after 9/11 as giving them the power to take such action.

Regarding the hundreds of civilian killed, Obama claimed that “drones have not caused a huge number of civilian casualties. For the most part, they have been very precise, precision strikes against al-Qaeda and their affiliates.”18

Midway through his second term, Obama boasted, “As commander-in-chief, I have not shied away from using force when necessary. I have ordered tens of thousands of young Americans into combat.… I've ordered military action in seven countries."19

Anwar al-Awlaki in Yemen.

Anwar al-Awlaki, Yemen, 2008.    Photo: AP/Muhammad ud-Deen

As for the assassination of U.S. citizen Anwar al-Awlaki, Obama’s Attorney General, Eric Holder, claimed that al-Awlaki’s due process rights were not violated because of the deliberations within the administration that decided he should be killed—which Holder and other officials refused to give details on.20 After al-Awlaki’s 16-year-old son, also a U.S. citizen, was killed by a CIA drone a few days after his father’s assassination, Obama’s press secretary said in response to a reporter pointing out he was a minor: “I would suggest that you should have a far more responsible father if they are truly concerned about the well-being of their children.”

The Real Motive

Google map view of village in Somalia where between two and nine people were killed by a U.S. drone strike, January 26, 2014

Village in Somalia. On January 26, 2014, between two and nine people were killed by a U.S. drone strike.     IG: Dronestagram. An artwork, 2012-2015, by James Bridle. (See also: Dronestagram: The Drone’s-Eye View) 

Armed drones gave the U.S. rulers an edge because they used advanced technology that was not available to their Islamic jihadist opponents at that time. Drones were seen as more “cost-effective” than using ground troops (although Obama did also send tens of thousands of additional troops to Afghanistan), and they did not involve the risk of casualties among U.S. soldiers. Drones provided “deniability”: the U.S. could claim they were only carrying out “targeted” operations against specific jihadists in Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, and elsewhere—not invading more countries. 

Drones also served to terrorize whole populations. According to a 2012 study on the effects of U.S. drone strikes in Pakistan, “Drones hover twenty-four hours a day over communities in northwest Pakistan, striking homes, vehicles, and public spaces without warning. Their presence terrorizes men, women, and children, giving rise to anxiety and psychological trauma among civilian communities. Those living under drones have to face the constant worry that a deadly strike may be fired at any moment, and the knowledge that they are powerless to protect themselves.”21

In a broader framework, drone attacks and other military actions under Obama were part of the “Global War on Terror” launched by the U.S. under the Bush regime after the 9/11 attacks—first with the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, and then spreading elsewhere. This war was ostensibly aimed at fundamentalist Islamic jihadist forces behind the 9/11 attacks. The U.S. rulers at that time had summed up that these forces represented increasing dangers to U.S. control over the Middle East, which was strategically crucial to their global dominance. 

The Islamic jihadists are reactionary, using tactics in line with their counter-revolutionary agendas that are extremely oppressive for masses of people. No one who seeks a better world should support these forces or mistake them for anti-imperialists. But the crimes committed by these forces are dwarfed by those of the U.S. empire, from the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki to the CIA-led massacre in Indonesia, genocidal war in Vietnam, and the unprovoked war on Iran today.22

Reaper drone in Afghanistan, September 2007.

An MQ-9 Reaper drone takes off for a mission in Afghanistan, September 29, 2007.     Credit: U.S. Air Force PD

However, the 9/11 attacks on the U.S. rulers’ “homeland” were a shock both Democrats and Republicans felt compelled to respond to aggressively, in order to send a message: no one was going to get away with such an assault on the U.S. without an extremely violent reprisal. At the same time, those attacks provided a justification for major moves that were already being discussed within the Bush regime before 9/11 to deal with the spread of anti-U.S. Islamist jihadism and to strengthen its grip on the Middle East and other regions.23 The U.S. rulers had summed up that these forces represented increasing threats to their interests in the Middle East region and to its global dominance. The Bush regime saw the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq as a means to quickly take control of and impose political and economic conditions on these and other countries that would “drain the swamp” of Islamist forces that posed obstacles to American domination over the Middle East and other regions.

Fundamentally, the so-called “Global War on Terror” was a war for empire. Obama avoided using that phrase, to distinguish himself from Bush.24 But the expanded drone attacks and other military actions under his presidency were part of the same war for empire, aimed at protecting and strengthening the U.S. capitalist-imperialist system’s hold on the Middle East and U.S.’s global position—at a time when it faced rising challenges from their imperialist rivals, China and Russia, as well as regional powers like Iran.25

The reality is: Every U.S. President, whether a “liberal” like Obama or the fascist Trump, represents and is an instrument of the capitalist-imperialist system. And they have one main role: to serve the interests of this oppressive, exploitative, planet-destroying system, whatever the cost to the lives of people and to the environment worldwide.