Thursday, 1 October 2026

IT'S NOT JUST TRUMP IT'S THE ENTIRE SYSTEM

 You can wish obama was back in office , or hillary , or any of the other assholes wanting to run the amerikkkan empire , but the truth is that they are all supporting and pushing forward the interests of their system , whether they are outright fascists like trump , or the "good guys" like obama .

Please read this :

American Crime Case #102: Barack Obama’s Deadly Drone Strikes: Hundreds of Civilians Killed as Part of the U.S. War for Empire

Bob Avakian has written that one of three things that has “to happen in order for there to be real and lasting change for the better: People have to fully confront the actual history of this country and its role in the world up to today, and the terrible consequences of this.” 

3 Things that have to happen in order for there to be real and lasting change for the better:

1) People have to fully confront the actual history of this country and its role in the world up to today, and the terrible consequences of this.

2) People have to dig seriously and scientifically into how this system of capitalism-imperialism actually works, and what this actually causes in the world.

3) People have to look deeply into the solution to all this.

Bob Avakian
May 1st, 2016

In that light, and in that spirit, “American Crime” is a regular feature of revcom.us. Each installment focuses on one of the 100+ worst crimes committed by the U.S. rulers—out of countless bloody crimes they have carried out against people around the world, from the founding of the U.S. to the present day.

American Crime

See all the articles in this series.

Pakistanis examine bodies of those killed by U.S. drone.

Villagers at a funeral viewing the body of a man killed by a U.S. drone attack in Pakistan, along the Afghanistan border, December 27, 2010.    Photo: AP

The Crime

Pakistani youth in house with blood-stained walls after two U.S. missiles killed 20 people in Waziristan, October 4, 2008.

Pakistani youth in house with blood-stained walls after two U.S. missiles killed 20 people in Waziristan, October 4, 2008.    Photo: AP

On January 23, 2009, three days into his first term as president, Barack Obama ordered lethal drone strikes in the Waziristan region of Pakistan. The strikes killed as many as 20 civilians.1 Obama greatly expanded U.S. drone warfare—ordering 10 times more drone strikes in Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia than his predecessor, George W. Bush, did. Under Obama’s presidency, there was a total of 563 U.S. strikes, mostly by drones, in those countries—compared to 57 strikes under Bush.2

Obama claimed that these and other drone strikes he ordered as president were targeted at armed anti-U.S. Islamic jihadists. But as the British organization Bureau of Investigative Journalism reported at the end of Obama’s two-term presidency: “Drones have hit hundreds of ordinary civilians going about their everyday life… Across his eight years in power the Bureau has recorded between 384 and 807 civilians killed by drones in Pakistan, Yemen, and Somalia.”3 Countless others were seriously injured. Many of the victims were children.

Map of the Middle East, South Asia and Northeast Africa.

Map of the Greater Middle East, parts of South Asia and Northeast Africa. Click to expand.    Credit: NormanEinstein PD

The drone strikes in Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia were “covert” operations by the CIA and the military outside of “official” U.S. wars in Afghanistan and Iraq started by Bush.4 When Obama received the Nobel “Peace” Prize toward the end of his first year in the White House, U.S. drone strikes had already killed at least 100 civilians in Pakistan during that time.5 Among them were close relatives of 13-year-old Faheem Qureshi. Faheem was at a family gathering at his home in a North Waziristan village to celebrate an uncle’s return from working overseas. A missile from a U.S. drone hit the house, killing two of Faheem’s uncles and an older cousin. Faheem was able to escape alive but needed months of medical treatment for severe injuries, including to his eyes. Doctors managed to save one eye, but he was blinded in the other. The U.S. never acknowledged the horror and death they caused to civilians in this attack.6

Once a week, Obama met with top officials to discuss targets for armed drone strikes, in sessions they called “Terror Tuesdays.” They pored over a “kill list” with notes on individual targets, which they called “baseball cards.” Then Obama gave his stamp of approval on the assassinations for that week.7 Obama reportedly said to senior staff members, “Turns out I’m really good at killing people. Didn’t know that was gonna be a strong suit of mine.”8

Civilians Targeted
A Pakistani villager holds a wreckage of a drone

A Pakistani villager holds the wreckage of a U.S. drone that crashed along the border with Afghanistan, August 25, 2011.    Photo: AP

Obama’s drones did kill some leaders and members of al-Qaeda and other anti-U.S. armed groups. But under the tactics the U.S. used, drone operators based thousands of miles away could label a group of people who had gathered as “terrorists” and treat them as “legitimate” targets.9 This meant that people not part of jihadist groups but who just lived in the same area—people gathered for community events like weddings and funerals—could suddenly become victims of drone attacks. In one such attack in Yemen in 2013, 15 people on their way to a wedding were killed in a drone strike because the U.S. assumed they were an al-Qaeda convoy.10 

Another insidious tactic was “double-tap” strikes, in which an armed drone struck a supposed target, and when people came to help the wounded or look for relatives, they were hit by a second drone attack deliberately aimed at the same spot. According to one account,11 a “double-tap” strike in Pakistan killed 18 villagers and injured 22, including an eight-year-old girl.

In 2012, U.S. drones fired multiple missiles into a tent in the village of Zowi Sidgi, instantly killing eight of the village day laborers who had gathered there to rest. One witness recounted, “When we went to where the missiles hit to help people, we saw a very horrible scene. Body parts were scattered everywhere. [I saw] bodies without heads and bodies without hands or legs. Everyone in the hut was cut to pieces.… Villagers were gathered at the scene with stretchers and water and had begun the process of poring through the aftermath when U.S. drones fired another round of missiles into the same location, killing six people and wounding two others who died soon after." 

In 2013, Amnesty International in conjunction with Human Rights Watch issued reports on civilian deaths from U.S. drone strikes in Pakistan and Yemen, and said these military actions should be considered war crimes and violations of international laws.12

Assassinations of U.S. Citizens
President Barack Obama speaks on the killing of U.S.-born Imam Anwar al-Awlaki in Yemen, September 30, 2011.

President Barack Obama speaks on the killing of U.S.-born Imam Anwar al-Awlaki in Yemen, at a ceremony at Ft. Myer in Arlington, Virginia, September 30, 2011.    Photo: AP

On September 30, 2011, a CIA drone killed Anwar al-Awlaki, an American citizen living in Yemen, along with another U.S. citizen. Al-Awlaki was an advocate of reactionary Islamic fundamentalism and voiced support for attacks against the U.S. Obama officials justified his assassination by saying he posed an “imminent” threat, based on secret “evidence.” 

The U.S. never presented any evidence that al-Awlaki had actually committed any crimes, and he had no opportunity to answer his accusers in court—in blatant violation of rights supposedly guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution. When there were press reports that the U.S. was targeting al-Awlaki, his father—a Yemeni official and scholar who had studied in the U.S.—appealed directly to Obama to stop the killing, including through a lawsuit in a U.S. court.13 Obama went ahead with green lighting the assassination and said his decision was “an easy one.”14

Less than a month later, another U.S. drone strike in Yemen killed al-Awlaki’s 16-year-old son Abdulrahman, also a U.S. citizen, along with a 17-year-old cousin and at least five other civilians. Abdulrahman had no history of involvement in any jihadist groups. U.S. officials claimed the attack was meant to kill a man they claimed was “an al-Qaeda leader,” who was not among those who died—without even a word of apology. 

The Criminals

U.S. Presidents, Republican and Democrat: Bush began the program of drone warfare, which Obama greatly expanded and which was continued and further developed by Trump and Biden.

CIA and U.S. military’s Joint Special Operations Command: They carried out drone strikes with impunity, even when innocent civilians having nothing to do with the supposed “targets” lost their lives in such attacks. 

U.S. Congress: After the September 11, 2001 attacks by jihadists on New York City and the Pentagon in Washington, DC, Congress passed the Authorization to Use Military Force (AUMF) law. It gave the President the power to “to use all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored such organizations or persons, in order to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States…." This law was so broadly worded that it allowed the President to order open and covert military actions against all kinds of forces around the world, on his say-so. This was part of the justification used by Obama for the escalation of drone attacks.

U.S. courts: Federal courts repeatedly dismissed suits challenging the constitutionality of the Obama drone program, siding with the government’s argument that judicial review would risk exposing state secrets and hinder the ability to act against those the President declares are threats to the U.S.15

The Alibi

For the first several years of the Obama presidency, U.S. officials refused to disclose anything about the drone strikes and other military actions in Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia, which were outside of the officially acknowledged wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. With increasing reports of civilian deaths, Obama and his officials began trying to justify the drone wars. 

They claimed that drone strikes were only authorized when the targets posed a “continuing imminent threat to U.S. persons,” without providing specifics on how they arrived at such a determination.16 They often cited the Authorization to Use Military Force law passed by Congress17 after 9/11 as giving them the power to take such action.

Regarding the hundreds of civilian killed, Obama claimed that “drones have not caused a huge number of civilian casualties. For the most part, they have been very precise, precision strikes against al-Qaeda and their affiliates.”18

Midway through his second term, Obama boasted, “As commander-in-chief, I have not shied away from using force when necessary. I have ordered tens of thousands of young Americans into combat.… I've ordered military action in seven countries."19

Anwar al-Awlaki in Yemen.

Anwar al-Awlaki, Yemen, 2008.    Photo: AP/Muhammad ud-Deen

As for the assassination of U.S. citizen Anwar al-Awlaki, Obama’s Attorney General, Eric Holder, claimed that al-Awlaki’s due process rights were not violated because of the deliberations within the administration that decided he should be killed—which Holder and other officials refused to give details on.20 After al-Awlaki’s 16-year-old son, also a U.S. citizen, was killed by a CIA drone a few days after his father’s assassination, Obama’s press secretary said in response to a reporter pointing out he was a minor: “I would suggest that you should have a far more responsible father if they are truly concerned about the well-being of their children.”

The Real Motive

Google map view of village in Somalia where between two and nine people were killed by a U.S. drone strike, January 26, 2014

Village in Somalia. On January 26, 2014, between two and nine people were killed by a U.S. drone strike.     IG: Dronestagram. An artwork, 2012-2015, by James Bridle. (See also: Dronestagram: The Drone’s-Eye View) 

Armed drones gave the U.S. rulers an edge because they used advanced technology that was not available to their Islamic jihadist opponents at that time. Drones were seen as more “cost-effective” than using ground troops (although Obama did also send tens of thousands of additional troops to Afghanistan), and they did not involve the risk of casualties among U.S. soldiers. Drones provided “deniability”: the U.S. could claim they were only carrying out “targeted” operations against specific jihadists in Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, and elsewhere—not invading more countries. 

Drones also served to terrorize whole populations. According to a 2012 study on the effects of U.S. drone strikes in Pakistan, “Drones hover twenty-four hours a day over communities in northwest Pakistan, striking homes, vehicles, and public spaces without warning. Their presence terrorizes men, women, and children, giving rise to anxiety and psychological trauma among civilian communities. Those living under drones have to face the constant worry that a deadly strike may be fired at any moment, and the knowledge that they are powerless to protect themselves.”21

In a broader framework, drone attacks and other military actions under Obama were part of the “Global War on Terror” launched by the U.S. under the Bush regime after the 9/11 attacks—first with the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, and then spreading elsewhere. This war was ostensibly aimed at fundamentalist Islamic jihadist forces behind the 9/11 attacks. The U.S. rulers at that time had summed up that these forces represented increasing dangers to U.S. control over the Middle East, which was strategically crucial to their global dominance. 

The Islamic jihadists are reactionary, using tactics in line with their counter-revolutionary agendas that are extremely oppressive for masses of people. No one who seeks a better world should support these forces or mistake them for anti-imperialists. But the crimes committed by these forces are dwarfed by those of the U.S. empire, from the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki to the CIA-led massacre in Indonesia, genocidal war in Vietnam, and the unprovoked war on Iran today.22

Reaper drone in Afghanistan, September 2007.

An MQ-9 Reaper drone takes off for a mission in Afghanistan, September 29, 2007.     Credit: U.S. Air Force PD

However, the 9/11 attacks on the U.S. rulers’ “homeland” were a shock both Democrats and Republicans felt compelled to respond to aggressively, in order to send a message: no one was going to get away with such an assault on the U.S. without an extremely violent reprisal. At the same time, those attacks provided a justification for major moves that were already being discussed within the Bush regime before 9/11 to deal with the spread of anti-U.S. Islamist jihadism and to strengthen its grip on the Middle East and other regions.23 The U.S. rulers had summed up that these forces represented increasing threats to their interests in the Middle East region and to its global dominance. The Bush regime saw the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq as a means to quickly take control of and impose political and economic conditions on these and other countries that would “drain the swamp” of Islamist forces that posed obstacles to American domination over the Middle East and other regions.

Fundamentally, the so-called “Global War on Terror” was a war for empire. Obama avoided using that phrase, to distinguish himself from Bush.24 But the expanded drone attacks and other military actions under his presidency were part of the same war for empire, aimed at protecting and strengthening the U.S. capitalist-imperialist system’s hold on the Middle East and U.S.’s global position—at a time when it faced rising challenges from their imperialist rivals, China and Russia, as well as regional powers like Iran.25

The reality is: Every U.S. President, whether a “liberal” like Obama or the fascist Trump, represents and is an instrument of the capitalist-imperialist system. And they have one main role: to serve the interests of this oppressive, exploitative, planet-destroying system, whatever the cost to the lives of people and to the environment worldwide.

Wednesday, 30 September 2026

REMEMBER

 There is a lot of backlash by insecure cowards who fear the truth , but here's an article that says some truthful things that should be heard .

Truth and Reconciliation Day: Deepen the fight for truth and justice

The Communist Party of Canada extends our deepest sympathies to all Indigenous survivors of the residential school system, their families, and the communities that continue to suffer the ongoing trauma of Canada’s genocidal policies. We honour the memory of the thousands of children who never returned home.

For over a century, Canada’s Indigenous policies sought to eliminate Indigenous governments, undermine treaty rights, and through assimilation, to cause Indigenous peoples to cease to exist as distinct nations and peoples. The residential school system—funded by the Canadian state and operated by churches—was central to this genocide. Of the 150,000 children forced into these institutions from 1825 until 1996, thousands died from disease, malnutrition, and violence. Nearly 3,000 unmarked graves have been discovered, and the number continues to grow.

This genocide was not incidental but foundational and driven by the economic plunder of Indigenous land and resources by the Hudson’s Bay Company, the North West Company, and various land and railway companies. Capitalism in Canada was built on the seizure of Indigenous lands and the attempted destruction of Indigenous people as distinct nations and peoples.

Today, we face renewed residential school denialism, an ideological weapon justifying fresh attacks on Indigenous sovereignty. There is a major corporate offensive underway. The federal and provincial governments are launching new attacks on Indigenous sovereignty, environmental regulation and labour rights. Under the guise of “national interest,” governments are fast-tracking corporate projects, including pipeline and mining projects that will affect Indigenous territories. The new regressive laws that have deregulated these projects violate Indigenous rights, as seen in Mark Carney’s dangerous Bill C-5 and C-39. This legislation handed cabinet sweeping powers to fast-track “major projects” by sidelining Indigenous rights to free, prior and informed consent as laid out in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Many of these projects are designed to fuel the Carney government’s war economy demanding accelerated extraction to meet NATO’s 5% GDP military spending target.

The Communist Party, along with Indigenous organizations and progressive organizations and movements across the country, continues to demand the full implementation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s Calls to Action and the Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls Inquiry’s Calls for Justice. We also demand that residential school denialism be included under anti-hate speech laws and that adequate resources be allocated to Indigenous-led investigations to uncover the full historical truth about residential schools. Truth and justice remain prerequisites for reconciliation.

The Communist Party fights for a socialist Canada where all nations are part of a truly equal and voluntary partnership. We stand for the liberation of Indigenous nations and all other oppressed nations, including First Nations, Métis, Inuit, Acadians and Quebec. All nations must possess the right to self‑determination, up to and including secession.

The Communist Party of Canada stands with Indigenous peoples in the struggle for self-determination, sovereignty, and equality. This September 30, we pledge to redouble the struggle for truth and justice.

Central Executive Committee, Communist Party of Canada

Tuesday, 29 September 2026

AND ANOTHER GOOD ARTICLE

 Here's an article from Al Jazeera from 2020 .
It is well worth your time and mine :

Canada and the First Nations: A history of broken promises

An exploration of the broken treaties and betrayals responsible for a traumatic past and troubled present.

Save

Canada racism and reconciliation - Brandi Morin feature - DO NOT USE
A sculpture stands on the snowy grounds of Saddle Lake Cree Nation in Alberta [Amber Bracken/Al Jazeera]

This is the second in a five-part series exploring the trauma at the heart of the relationship between a small Canadian town and the First Nations people who live in and around it.

Read more from the series here:

The ‘Back Streeters’ and the ‘White Boys’

‘Just another Indian’: Surviving residential school

‘A matter of life and death’: Rebuilding a Nation

‘How did we become enemies?’: Racism and reconciliation

St Paul, Alberta, Canada – Scattered across a rolling prairie landscape in northeastern Alberta are small towns, hamlets and First Nations reserves, most within just a few minutes’ drive of each other.

But the neighbours here are living worlds apart. In one world are members of the white-majority settler community, whose local heritage is traceable to an average of five generations. In the other are the Indigenous people whose ancestors have lived here for millennia.

They are old foes whose suspicion of one another dates back more than a hundred years.

Sacred, spiritual pacts

During the mid- to late-1800s, Canada saw a boom in European immigration. The Dominion Lands Act of 1872 offered free and fertile homesteads for the eager, new settlers. 

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Their descendants have prospered here on the lands and resources of the Indigenous tribes with whom they signed treaties less than 150 years ago.

The treaties are constitutionally recognised agreements between the Crown and Canada‘s Indigenous people. Most of them pertain to some kind of shared use of ancestral Indigenous land in return for payments or promises.

By the First Nations, they are considered to be sacred, living, spiritual pacts that allowed for the bounties of the land to be shared with the newcomers and for a future to be created – together.

But for the settlers, the spirit of the treaties – of peace and friendship – soon took a back seat to the pursuit of “progress”.

“The treaty that we have, and all of the treaties [in Canada] have been broken promises,” explains Carl Quinn, 66, a Saddle Lake Cree Nation cultural teacher, traditional pow-wow dancer and elder.

Carl was chief of the Saddle Lake Cree Nation in the 1980s and is also an award-winning musician who writes songs, plays the guitar and sings in the Cree language of his ancestors.

Wearing a T-shirt, slacks and his long, silver hair tied back, he sits in the comfortable home he shares with his wife – a typical bungalow-style house where the couple raised their six children on the reserve.

Carl savours the time he spends in his community – sharing knowledge and music and keeping the traditions of his tribe alive. 

Canada racism and reconciliation - Brandi Morin feature - DO NOT USE
A cluster of homes in Saddle Lake [Amber Bracken/Al Jazeera]

Comprehending the complicated, often shrouded, history that preceded the current tensions between the settlers and First Nations is essential to understanding them, Carl explains.

It is a shrouded history because the sovereignty of the treaties has long been forgotten, and is barely taught in most schools – meaning that many Canadians are unaware of their significance and continued relevance today.

But even when they were signed, they were interpreted very differently by the First Nations and the representatives of the Crown.

Many First Nation signatories were told of their contents via an interpreter because they could not read English. But some Indigenous languages and concepts were simply not translatable.

There were also verbal agreements that were not included in some of the treaties, but were considered just as binding by the First Nations. 

Canada racism and reconciliation - Brandi Morin feature - DO NOT USE
Pamela’s parents Carl and Florence Quinn at home in Saddle Lake [Amber Bracken/Al Jazeera]

The Cree, the settlers, the buffalo and a treaty

The Cree had thrived for thousands of years off the resources of the land – hunting, fishing and trapping. Everything essential to their survival – food, clothing and shelter – was provided by it.

The buffalo were plentiful, and the nomadic Cree followed their migration patterns.

But when settlers began arriving, the buffalo were almost completely wiped out.

Many Indigenous people believe the buffalo were strategically targeted as a tactic to force First Nations people into submission to the settlers and the Crown.

“Though no official commands were put forward by the American or Canadian governments to encourage the slaughter of the buffalo, there is extensive evidence suggesting that mass hunting was encouraged to clear the plains, of both the buffalo and Indigenous people,” wrote Nancy Phillips in the research paper Skin and Bones: The Decimation of the Plains Buffalo, published in the Mount Royal University Humanities Review.

“Generals William T Sherman and Philip Sheridan played integral roles in the eradication of the buffalo and both held the view that people should ‘Kill every buffalo you can! Every buffalo dead is an Indian gone.'”

A detail from a billboard commemorating the signing of the treaty in Saddle Lake
A detail from a billboard commemorating the signing of the treaty in Saddle Lake [Amber Bracken/Al Jazeera]

But starvation was not the Cree’s only concern. There was also the matter of disease.

According to the Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples from 1996, European settlers brought new diseases against which First Nations had no defence: ” Many Aboriginal people became ill and died from infectious diseases that were foreign to them, such as influenza, polio, measles, smallpox and diphtheria.”

Bellies felt constant hunger, and disease was prevalent.

Fearing starvation as a result of the rapidly dwindling number of buffalo and in desperate need of medical help to treat smallpox, which had been introduced by the settlers and which had killed many Cree, in 1876, Saddle Lake entered into Treaty 6 with the Crown. 

The signing of treaties between tribes and the Crown was meant to ensure an even split of resources, and in the case of Treaty 6, it meant the distribution of food and medicines to the almost depleted tribes – at least, that was the Cree understanding of the treaties. 

“The way that it [Treaty 6] was written was not what was agreed to,” says Carl. “We agreed to the sharing of the land, yes. And we told the Europeans to only take what you need from the land.”

Herded onto reserves

The government began to force Indigenous people into reserves.

The eventual boundaries of Saddle Lake reserve 125 were completed in 1902 – drawn up by the federal government of Canada after three years of negotiations with the tribes – and amalgamated Saddle Lake, Whitefish Lake, Waskatenau and Blue Quill First Nations.

The First Peoples were herded onto the reserve’s designated tracks of land and stripped of any rights except for those stipulated by the Indian Act of 1876 – a patriarchal policy that has dictated the social, political, economic, spiritual and physical lives of First Nations up until the present day. 

“It [the Indian Act] was designed to oppress, designed to take the rights of the people away,” says Carl.

Saddle Lake Map

The Health Council of Canada described in its 2005 Health Status of Canada’s First Nation, Metis and Inuit Peoples report the effects of a once-nomadic people being constrained within reserves: “As a result of being confined to a limited land base, resources such as food and clothing materials, normally acquired by hunting, trapping and fishing and used for trading/bartering purposes, quickly shrunk. As access to and availability of these resources declined, major lifestyle, livelihood and diet changes occurred that affected the health status and well-being of the Aboriginal people.”

The system of reserves – which would reportedly later inspire Adolf Hitler – helped to ensure segregation. 

Within less than a decade of Treaty 6 being signed, a pass system was introduced, whereby residents of the reserves could only leave them with a permit issued by the local Indian agent responsible for imposing government policy on the reserves. This system would last for 60 years, only ending during World War II.

A betrayal

The Indigenous people had been betrayed.

Friendship and the spirit and intent of the treaties was soon forgotten. It became one side against the other; with riches gained for the newcomers, while the Indigenous people were plunged into poverty and chaos. 

Sacred ceremonies, cultural practices and traditional teachings such as the sun dance ceremony and the sweat lodge and pipe ceremonies were banned by the federal government.

But many kept the traditions of their forefathers alive in secret, Carl explains. Sweat lodges were hidden deep in the bush and away from the prying eyes of Indian agents. 

It is a relief now, Carl says, to be able to proudly display his sweat lodge – a sacred ceremonial space inside a closed, circular structure for praying and cleansing via steaming hot rocks – in his yard.

Canada racism and reconciliation - Brandi Morin feature - DO NOT USE
Prairie landscape in Saddle Lake [Amber Bracken/Al Jazeera]

In 1862, an Indian residential school was opened in Saddle Lake. Others had been established across the country – part of an effort by the Canadian government to forcefully assimilate Indigenous children.

Run by the Roman Catholic, Anglican, United and Presbyterian churches, among others, the schools were mandated for First Nations children by the Indian Act. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada estimates that 150,000 Inuit, First Nations and Metis children attended Indian residential schools between the 1870s and 1990s. Canada’s last residential school closed in 1996. In total, 139 residential schools operated across the country, and abuse was widespread. 

Children between the ages of four and 16 were ripped from their family homes by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) and sent to live among the priests and nuns tasked by the federal government with forcing them to assimilate to the ways of life, languages, cultural practices and religion of the settlers.

The original Catholic Church-run residential school in Saddle Lake was burned down near the turn of the 20th century. Nobody on the reserve names names, but it is widely understood that the fire was started intentionally by people from the reserve who resented it being there. 

A new location was soon found closer to the St Paul des Metis settlement (now known as St Paul). It operated there until the late 1960s, when it became the first former residential school in Canada to be taken over and operated by Indigenous peoples. It was first a college and is today a well-known First Nations university.

Canada racism and reconciliation - Brandi Morin feature - DO NOT USE
Blue Quills University, formerly a residential school, in St Paul [Amber Bracken/Al Jazeera]

But the effects of a century or more of having their children stolen from them and held in often abusive environments cannot be erased as easily as the sign on a building. 

During the testimony gathering process for the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, many people spoke of the abuse they had endured as children. According to its interim report: “The Commission heard of discipline crossing into abuse: of boys being beaten like men, of girls being whipped for running away. People spoke of children being forced to beat other children, sometimes their own brothers and sisters. The Commission was told of runaways being placed in solitary confinement with bread-and-water diets and shaven heads. People spoke of being sexually abused within days of arriving at residential school. In some cases, they were abused by staff; in others, by older students. Reports of abuse have come from all parts of the country and all types of schools. The students felt they had no one to turn to for help. If they did speak up, often it was impossible to find anyone who would believe them.”

“We are recovering from the trauma that produces PTSD [post-traumatic stress disorder], addictions, suicides and every other kind of ailment,” says Carl of the ongoing effects of the residential schools.

And the trauma did not end with the closure of the residential schools. From the 1950s to the 1980s, Indigenous children were taken from their families – in a practice known as the Sixties Scoop – and sent to live with non-Indigenous families, sometimes in other countries.

Modern-day threats

Canada racism and reconciliation - Brandi Morin feature - DO NOT USE
A bus outside of Kihew Asiniy Education Centre in Saddle Lake [Amber Bracken/Al Jazeera]

But these days, it is a different type of fear that Indigenous families in and around St Paul feel for their children. 

Last November, several Saddle Lake residents began taking up arms to protect their children after Andy Sydora, a 70-year-old resident of the nearby Hamlet of Ashmont was charged with three counts of uttering threats. He allegedly threatened to shoot children at the Ashmont school, where 90 percent of the pupils are Indigenous, as well as to attack the Saddle Lake Cree Nation and Whitefish Lake First Nation. He is due to appear at the St Paul courthouse on March 19 to enter a plea. 

For two weeks, hundreds of parents kept their children home from school. The Ashmont school and three reserve schools enlisted the RCMP to patrol the schools for almost a fortnight.

A playground in Saddle Lake; parents worried for their children’s safety after a 70-year-old man allegedly made threats to their community last November
A playground in Saddle Lake; parents worried for their children’s safety after a 70-year-old man allegedly made threats to their community last November [Amber Bracken/Al Jazeera]

“I’ve been in this career all my life and I’ve had to, unfortunately, deal with concerning comments and allegations before,” explains Glen Brodziak, the St Paul school division superintendent. “But this one was different, in that it was made against a school and entire community.”

When she heard about the alleged threats, Tiya-Marie Large started practicing lockdown drills with her two children – 10-year-old Mylon and two-year-old Love – with the help of her mother. 

“I was really scared and angry,” she says. “I have to work and couldn’t be home all the time.”

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It was hard to explain to Mylon why the drills were needed, Tiya-Marie says, adding that her son is sometimes triggered by unfamiliar noises and can become gripped with fear.

Each family member has a role in the drill. Tiya-Marie says a keyword, Mylon runs downstairs to the designated room, Tiya-Marie or her mother grab Love and head there, too, and they barricade the door and huddle together on the floor, with the adults protecting the children with their bodies. They have the drill time down to 36 seconds.

Tiya-Marie says it makes them feel safer and better prepared. But she wonders why they have to live with this fear.

Tiya-Marie Large and her mother Elaine Sheperd shelter Mylon and Love on the basement floor during the family’s lockdown drill
Tiya-Marie Large and her mother Elaine Sheperd shelter Mylon and Love on the basement floor during the family’s lockdown drill [Amber Bracken/Al Jazeera]

Still, Carl is hopeful. 

“Alberta is one of the most redneck, racist places in the country,” he says. “But I have big hope, today …. Europeans are really good at divide and conquer tactics, but everyone is connected. The more we talk about these kinds of things, people will realise we have more in common than what divides us.”

The solutions to the conflicts aren’t going to unravel easily, Carl cautions. But he is optimistic that the tide is turning. 

“It’s gonna change, there’s no doubt in my mind,” he reflects. “A lot of the old people that feel like they have privilege are dying off. So in a way, it’s good – but in a way it would’ve been good to sit down together to come to an understanding.”