Monday, 2 November 2026

GET THIS ALBUM

 How often to you get to buy an album by a 70 year old hardcore musician who's still writing songs and putting out great records ? Not often . You've gotta respect Agnostic Front and Vinnie Stigma .

Listen to the newest album here .

And read this interview :

In Conversation: Vinnie Stigma of Agnostic Front
A new memoir dubs him "the most interesting man in the world," but the reality of being Vinnie Stigma is a lot more down-to-earth: He has only ever wanted to honor the people and places that made him.
Norman Brannon
Nov 07, 2024



Vinnie Stigma, live with Agnostic Front. Spodek. Katowice, Poland. June 23, 2024. Photo by Adam Malik.
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There’s a very particular claim that Agnostic Front singer Roger Miret has made, repeatedly and in different ways, over the years: “There’s no ill will in Vinnie Stigma, there’s nothing mean,” he says of his lifelong friend and bandmate in the foreword to Stigma’s recent memoir. “He wants everybody to be happy, he wants everybody to get along… I’ve never met anybody who lives like Vinnie; never a worry or concern, it’s amazing.” It stands out because, in 2024, there are very few people who can claim to live worry-free. And much like the name of Stigma’s memoir, The Most Interesting Man in the World, I always assumed this claim—as persistent as it is—was still just a little bit of friendly hyperbole.

This is, after all, Vinnie Stigma that we’re talking about here. He was there at the dawn of punk and he was there at the birth of hardcore. He founded Agnostic Front in 1980, when he was 25 years old, and he somehow continues to play with the band today—less than one month shy of his 69th birthday. His tattooed body and trademark scowl have signified hardcore angst for the better part of the last 45 years. And yet as I came to discover in this conversation, Stigma himself is not angsty. If anything, it’s just the opposite: He loves people, he loves community, he loves culture, he really does love being alive. And much like Roger attests, Stigma very much arranges his life in a way that nurtures only these things.

Vinnie Stigma is a steward of sorts. For hardcore, yes, of course. But also for an old world way of being that is deeply rooted in New York, in the midcentury Italian diaspora, in family, and even in the Lower East Side building where he has lived his entire life. He has a dogged resistance to change—and he will be the first to tell you that—but Stigma is still remarkably willing to adapt. I also believe from speaking with him that his aspirations are, in fact, devoid of ill will. “You got your act and you leave it on stage,” he tells me. “But you come off stage and you be a regular person, you be a good person. And believe me: I’m not going to fuck up.”

In the introduction to your book, [co-author] Howie Abrams tells the story of the first time he went to CBGB in 1984. He writes that you blindly went up to him and kind of personally welcomed him into the scene—and then he surmises that many people also share some version of that story. But my first literal brush-in with you wasn’t actually in the eighties. It was in 1992, when I was on tour with Ressurection and Lifetime. We were driving through Pennsylvania when we saw another van pull up beside us on the highway. It was obvious that everyone in both vans were trying to eye each other up, that we knew we were both touring bands. Whoever was riding shotgun in the other van finally gave us the sign to roll our window down, and when we did, out of nowhere, you stuck your head outside of that window and screamed, “We’re AF! Pull over!” [laughs]. We spent the next ten minutes just hanging out with you guys at the gas station, shooting the shit. Is that something you normally do?

VINNIE: To tell you the truth, yeah! [laughs] If I’m on the subway and I see another punk rocker or a hardcore person or a tattooed person, I don’t know, I’ll just strike up a conversation. I mean, I was just at DiPalo’s buying food—you know, like my gorgonzola cheese and my burrata della and all these high-end cheeses—and I just started talking to everyone. I saw a guy with an Austin City Limits shirt, so I said, “Are you from Texas?” He said yeah, and I told him, “I just played the Moody Center with the Misfits. I just played the House of Blues with Sepultura just a couple of weeks ago!” I’d rather start up a conversation. It’s better than just standing there.

There was a moment where we thought, “Agnostic Front is pulling us over. Do they want to fight?” [laughs]

VINNIE: We actually used to pull the van over to watch Roger [Miret] and Craig [Setari] fight all the time. The guys in the band would fight and I would cheer against Roger because he was always the one instigating it. Craig is strong, though! So we’d let them go. You think Roger would have learned his lesson by today? I don’t think so!

The other story I wanted to bring up comes from one of my best friends, [Cause For Alarm singer and one-time Agnostic Front singer] Keith Burkhardt.

VINNIE: OK, Keith!

I was texting with him this morning and I told him I was speaking with you. Keith wrote back, “Tell him I said hello! When I moved into what became known as Apartment X, the first time my father came to visit you can imagine he was a bit nervous about the whole situation. Living in a cellar with no windows. I was seventeen. But he happened to meet Vinnie out front and Vinnie made him feel good about everything. So my father went home feeling a lot better about his delinquent son. He really enjoyed talking to Vinnie and he referenced him many times over the years.”

VINNIE: I met with Mr. Burkhardt a couple of times through the years before he passed. He was kind of like me in a way, you know? He was a street Italian guy, a knock-around guy. Keith is not that way; he was more of a square egg [laughs]. But yeah, his father was a real sweetheart of a guy. I also remember one time when we were playing, Keith’s daughter showed up at a show. She said, “I’m Keith Burkhardt’s daughter”—and that was all she had to say. I was like, “Come here! Everybody, backstage!” And then, “Go stand over here where it’s safe.” We’ve always been very family-oriented.

The family part of your story is fascinating, especially because I now have this almost mythical idea of 285 Mott Street. I just love that there’s this physical space that you’re almost anchored to in a way, which is something that most of us don’t have. You’ve literally been there your whole life, and at one point, that building almost served as a communal space for your entire family.

VINNIE: Well, it’s kind of rough because, you know, I’m [still] here. It’s where I’m talking to you right now. And all around me there was an orbit of family and people that I grew up with. Now I look at their doors and… Apartment B18, my grandmother lived there. I look at it like a tombstone now. As a matter of fact, I just noticed that my aunt’s mop that was hanging out the window isn’t there anymore. She’s been dead 25 years, and her mop was still hanging out there, but it’s not there! I just noticed it now! But all around me, all these doors are shut down. I just have the spirit here with me, and it lives with me when I walk through my building.

Like, now there’s nobody allowed on the roof. They got an alarm up there. But my mother and father got married on that roof. I had a pigeon coop on the roof when I was a kid. I used to go up there and get my sun—“tar beach,” you know? [laughs] It was cool. Get a little fresh air and play that song: [He sings] “When this old world starts getting me down / I go up on the roof.” Like the Drifters. It’s slowly taken away, but I gotta move. I gotta move forward with it, but I carry it with me wherever I go. 

The other connection is that I lived so close to CBs that we would hang out here and write out the set lists… This [apartment] was like the backstage! You know, I was just in Canada a week ago and I met this guy in a band called Vomit and the Zits. We used to have this connection in 1985—the Montreal-New York connection ‘85—and all four bands would stay in this apartment: Countdown Zero, Vomit and the Zits, Gassenhauer, and Blood Sausage. Basically, they’d park all their vans out there and everyone would stay here. And my grandma and all my aunts would always bring in bowls of pasta on the Capodimonte dish—the money dish. I was not allowed to wash that dish because they were afraid I might chip it [laughs].

How big is that apartment?

VINNIE: It’s not that big!




Vinnie Stigma, live with Agnostic Front. Rebel. Toronto, Ontario, Canada. October 9, 2024. Photo by Michael Crusty.
Between the book and the movie, I feel like I’ve been able to crib together a couple of vague ideas about your parents. At least in my perception, it seems to me like your father was a little mysterious…

VINNIE: Yeah, a little bit. He was a good guy. He wasn’t a bad guy. But he was one of the “goodfellas” [laughs]—you had to, you know? It was a thing.

…and it seems like your mother was more of the hammer.

VINNIE: Yes, that’s true. The wooden spoon. I was so fucking afraid of that fucking spoon. I don’t know what happened to it. I think it was made of balsa wood. She would just come at me with it and I’d be so afraid.

How would you describe your personal relationships with each of them? I don’t really feel like you get into that in the book.

VINNIE: I mean, good. I was with my mom until the day she died. And then my father, he wound up getting married to some other girl and he smoked his life away. That was about it, you know? I got the [love for cooking] food from my mom and I got the streetwise from my father. But I didn’t come from a broken home. My father was good to me; he never hit me or nothing like that. It was only my mother with the wooden spoon.

I’m always curious when I hear about punks with good family lives because I didn’t have that, so hardcore was a relief from that for me in a lot of ways.

VINNIE: I understand that.

Which is why I’m trying to figure out what you think you didn’t get at home that led you to become a disaffected street punk?

VINNIE: To be honest with you, I always did it more because I loved it and I had fun with it. I had no problems at home, you know what I mean? I never ran away from home or none of that kind of stuff. I just enjoyed playing punk music because I was always somewhat a musician—somewhat a musician!—even when it was hard rock and I was in a band in 1973. I still had the band. When hard rock turned into punk rock, I made that jump. And then when punk rock turned into hardcore, I made that jump. I just loved music and I loved having a good time with my friends. I didn’t have any brothers or sisters, so that’s why I had a lot of friends. My mother always told me, “You got a lot of friends” [laughs]. But she loved them all. All good people.

You know what it was, though? I could walk to the clubs. It was the neighborhood. I could walk to Max’s Kansas City. Even back in the day, TR3 or the Mudd Club. These are all just outside my neighborhood, and I rolled to all those clubs. The thing is with punk rock—what the Sex Pistols and Johnny Rotten did—is that they made it seem like you could do it, too. And I feel like I had that attitude. I looked at bands and I looked at whatever it was they were doing, and I said, “Yeah. I could do that.” That gives hope to a kid out there that’s in a club for the first time, looking around with a lot of other punk rockers. It feels like he might not fit it, but you could bridge that gap. 

And you did your part in the neighborhood. You basically provided all the gear that bands would play at A7 and CBs for a long time.

VINNIE: Right. I’ve had studios all my life. I always practiced where my grandfather made his wine in the basement, right here in this building. And I used to love gear. I loved big amps. Them days are over [laughs]. But I had a lot of equipment. So I would supply all the equipment for the bands: I had a Sunn 105 cabinet with a head. I had an Ampeg V4 cabinet with the head. I had a set of drums, except for some cymbals. And I would just dole it out to the bands. Whoever wanted to play it.

There’s a clip in The Godfathers of Hardcore where an interviewer asks everyone in the band, “Who started Agnostic Front?” and you just sit there silently for 30 seconds. You really, really didn’t want to take the credit. I feel like that kind of modesty is a theme with you.

VINNIE: I don’t want to be responsible for anything [laughs]. But I don’t know… It’s no big deal. I’m very proud of Agnostic Front and what we did because I’ve always believed in myself. Don’t ever believe in a band that doesn’t believe in themselves. I see it. I can almost sense it sometimes, when bands are doing it for the wrong reasons. If you’re doing it for the wrong reasons, don’t do it. Save yourself the pain and don’t do it.




Vinnie Stigma. Reverb. Reading, PA. December 17, 2022. Photo by Danielle Dombrowski.
You originally wrote “Power” when you played with The Eliminators. I’ve never heard that band, but how different was that from the version that AF plays?

VINNIE: It’s the same. I’ve been playing that song for almost 50 years—since 1978. 

I mean, if you played that song for me tomorrow and I’d never heard it, I would say, “That’s hardcore.” Did you know back then that you wanted to do something harder-edged than punk?

VINNIE: I was in the moment. I was younger. You know, you get older and you gotta cook, you gotta shop, you gotta eat, you got kids, you got a job. Life gets more difficult and there’s not enough time in the day. But then, strictly from the minute I woke up, I was punk rock. I am today, but I just live it. But them days I would get up and I was always going to wear my “costume.” I call it “the costume.” I still got the leather jacket and the bondage pants. I went to Paul [Bakija] from Reagan Youth’s memorial at Niagara yesterday and I wanted to dress up in my old clothes. I still fit into them, too.

There’s a point that you make in the book that really resonates with me because I don’t hear a lot of hardcore people say this. You write: “To be clear, I think of myself as an entertainer first and foremost, and I have great respect for those who make a living entertaining others, whether they’re musicians, actors, or anything else. It takes talent and balls.”

 VINNIE: It does.

100 percent. I remember in 1993, when I was in Shelter, watching some videos of myself and thinking, “Man, people are paying money to see you play and it looks like you’re not even feeling it.” It really changed the way I approached playing live. At some point, I had to just accept that part of what I was doing was, in fact, entertaining an audience. Is that how you think about it?

VINNIE: Yes! Even until today. Like, whenever I wind up at a festival in Germany somewhere, I will go out early in the morning and I’ll go out into the field and I will look at the stage and say to myself, “Where’s the best spot so everybody could see me?” [laughs] When you’re out there, you gotta just give it. You gotta leave it all on stage. Tomorrow’s another day, and then you leave it on stage again. Don’t be afraid. Just go for it.

A lot of hardcore kids have this virtue that “realness” is going on stage in whatever clothes you were wearing that day and just doing whatever the fuck you do. They’d see that as “authentic” and so-called performance as “inauthentic.” I’m curious how you see the difference.

VINNIE: A lot of it is entertainment. There’s choreography. There’s gotta be a good soundman. Even the lighting guy, you know? It’s part of the show. And I want to put on a good show because it’s not about me. It’s about them. My band Stigma, my solo band, people always come up to me and say, “Vinnie, I had so much fun just watching you guys.” Because we come out like the Rat Pack. One time we came out with a rolling bar. Sometimes I do this thing where I act like the ending [to a song] don’t end right and I yell at the band—it’s all part of the act. I talk to the audience like, “Look at these fuckin’ guys over here!” And I get them in on the joke. I’m not afraid to be payaso. Because you’ve gotta recognize the audience. I wave to people, I tell everybody thank you, I show respect to military people or specially challenged children. I always make sure they’re on stage and I make a big deal, you know what I mean? Because we’ve all gotta thank God that we’re able to do this.

There’s a part in Roger’s foreword to your book where he writes, “I’ve never met anybody who lives like Vinnie: never a worry or concern, it’s amazing.” Do you really think that’s true?

VINNIE: It’s true. You know why it’s true? I went to the doctor one day for a checkup and I had perfect blood pressure. The lady said, “I have never seen anybody with such perfect blood pressure.” And I was like, “Yeah. It’s because I don’t give a fuck” [laughs]. I don’t know.

But the book does reveal a few concerns. For one thing, you seem to repeatedly express frustration over change. Especially with New York City.

VINNIE: I don’t like change. I don’t. Like, I remember when they zinced the quarters. Because when I was a kid, [quarters were made from] silver and you could even hear it. We used to toss a coin, heads or tails, and when they zinced the coin I was like, “Something’s not right here!” [laughs]. At an early age I remember that. But I miss things like Dave’s Corner. Ratner’s. You know, the old New York places. The Chelsea Hotel. There’s a Jewish bakery that closed a couple of years ago. All these old school places. I miss that. But it’s kind of a ghost. I feel a little déjà vu in my own head. It’s about the memory and the people who have been here before. It’s like, they deserve more. These are the people that built New York; they made New York.

It also feels like you hate being misunderstood—and this comes up most specifically when you talk about the early skinhead era of Agnostic Front. I’m curious about this because I had my own skinhead era, but aside from the look, what did being a skinhead actually mean to you at the time? Did you actually have some sort of coherent philosophy about it?

VINNIE: We were just New York skins. We were out there having a good time. We shaved our heads. We got tattoos. There wasn’t a political agenda or a social agenda.

But early in AF’s career you definitely talked about being a band that wanted to comment on social issues.

VINNIE: We still do. Even my last album, Get Loud, you had “Conquer and Divide”… a lot of great songs on there. But yeah, for me, it was really more about being a hardcore skinhead ex-punk rocker. I never, never wore a Fred Perry. Maybe once to a funeral or something. A lot of people would give them to me, and I’m like, “Thanks, I don’t wear this shit” [laughs]. I’m not that kind of skinhead. I used to wear zipper boots. I didn’t shine them. I was never that guy.




Vinnie Stigma, live with Agnostic Front. Spodek. Katowice, Poland. June 23, 2024. Photo by Adam Malik.
One part of your life that I would imagine would have given you some kind of strife would have been that period where Roger went to prison and Agnostic Front basically broke up. Take me back to that place. What were you thinking at the time?

VINNIE: It’s a lot of years ago. But basically, I knew I had to put Agnostic Front on hold and wait for Roger, which is what we did. I wouldn’t do it without Roger—and he was supposed to be in jail longer. I was really scared. He got four-to-life. I still worry for him; I worry for his health, I worry for a lot of reasons. But back then I was concerned [that the band was over]. I mean, four-to-life. I was more worried about Roger getting life, you know? He’d still be in prison today. What a crazy sentence! I can see when they say 25-to-life, but four? It’s like, wait a minute, what did you do? How many people did you kill? [laughs] But thankfully, he came out in two years.

At one point in the book, you say there’s “almost no difference between Vinnie Capuccio and Vinnie Stigma”—the key word, to me, being “almost.” In what important ways do you think the “Vinnie Stigma” character differs from the person off stage?

VINNIE: Well first of all, I leave that guy on stage. You got your act and you leave it on stage. But you come off stage and you be a regular person, you be a good person. And believe me: I’m not going to fuck up. I’ve got too much of a good reputation. I’ve always made friends. Always. I could care less who you are or what you are. I don’t care. Nothing matters to me because all my life I’ve lived among the people and I enjoy all the cultures. When I’m on tour and everybody’s sitting backstage or whatever, I say, “Fuck you guys. I’m going to go out and meet the real people.” And I’ll just walk up to somebody, anybody, and say, “Thanks for coming to the show”—and I’ll start drinking with them, making friends.

I’m looking at [turning] 70 years old, you know what I mean? I don’t know how many 70-year-old guys are still going to go on a major tour and not complain—physically, mentally, spiritually, emotionally. I’m happy with myself and my music and my life and my worries. You know, I’m retired now. My rent don’t go up. My gas and electric last month was thirty dollars. Nothing matters to me no more.

Have you ever been anywhere where you just felt like, “I don’t belong here”?

VINNIE: Yeah, a few places. Even recently, I was in Montauk and I went to a yacht club because my girlfriend has a little yacht in Snug Harbor. I went to this place and I felt a little uncomfortable. But then I said to myself, “Fuck you. I’m comfortable. I’m here. I’m not going to feel uncomfortable.”

More than anyone else I’ve ever talked to, it really feels like your entire objective is to just be exactly who you are all the time and to be happy.

VINNIE: Yeah. You got it. Sometimes I’m so happy I say to myself, “Am I crazy?” [laughs]

So when was the last time you cried?

VINNIE: Pretty recently, at a Q&A for the book. There’s a story in the book about a guy I [was coaxed into crank-calling]. I was like [in a deeply affected New York Italian accent], “Hey, come down to the show and I’ll break your fuckin’ legs! You better show up!”—you know, the whole thing. Anyway, on the next tour we come around and I’m at an aftershow party and Mike [Gallo] says, “Hey Vinnie, there’s a guy downstairs. He wants to talk to you.” So I go downstairs and I see this fucking giant of a guy. I walk up to him and he says, “You’re Stigma?” And I go, “Yeah.” He says, “You crank called me?” I said, “I did.” And he says, “You don’t know how much that meant to me. We were [on active duty] in Iraq when you called. You made us laugh. It took us to a better place.” So, you know, telling that story the other day, I cried.

I even tear up when I tell the story about the guy right next door in [Apartment] B16. Jean Salisi lived in B16 and her husband was a World War II vet. He lost part of his face, he had a fake eye, and he worked for Fanny Farmer when I was a little kid—like five, eight years old. I’d be playing in the hallway with my cousin and I’d hear Jean Salisi yell, “Vincent! Come up! Jimmy’s got something for you!” And I fucking knew just what he got. He’d come out with his hand behind his back and then he’d give me a box of Fanny Farmer [candy], because I would help carry his wife’s groceries up. Respect. So he’d give me a box of Fanny Farmer and me and my cousin would knock that off in five minutes—right outside my door, right here where I’m sitting now. The whole box. God.

There was another lady, Lily Caggiano, she lived underneath me. I seen her when I was forty-something years old and I was like, “Hey Lily, how are you?” And she said, “Hey Vinnie, how are you? You’re such a good boy.” Because I used to see her coming up the block and I’d run up to her and grab her groceries. She lived on the fifth floor. I’d go up there and leave them by her door. She said, “You’re still with the band?” They always ask if I’m still with the band. They know me as the punk rocker from the neighborhood. I told her yeah and she says, “I’m going to church right now. I’m going to light a candle for you.” I’m not even fucking dead! I’m not dead and they’re lighting candles for me because I show respect. And this is the way I get it back. I live my life like that.

Even in the book, whenever you talk about people in our scene who have passed, like Raybeez or Todd Youth or Steve Poss, it feels like there’s almost this stubborn determination to keep the people around you present through stories.

VINNIE: I’m alive. But I live with the dead. I’m always with the dead.

What do you think about when you think about the end of Agnostic Front?

VINNIE: The same thing I think about when I think about the end of my life. I think about how, first of all, I’d like to leave a good memory—a good catalog, a good reputation, all that. Because you know, the curtain will fall on all of us one day. Whether you’re in a band or you’re a truck driver, that curtain’s gonna fall. And I know that, so I appreciate it now more than ever. I always have. I’ve been saying that for the last 50 years because I’ve always appreciated that I am physically and mentally able to do this.

The same thing in life, though. I wonder, who’s going to live in this apartment? There’s a French guy living in my grandmother’s apartment. There’s a supermodel living in my mother’s apartment. These are transplants from somewhere else. I’ll have to have my friends put out a plaque [laughs]. But the curtain will fall one day. I don’t fear death. As long as you leave a good footprint, it’ll all be OK.



Thursday, 29 October 2026

GREASY FUCKING SCUM

 These are the people who are supposedly on the side of the workers and poor, and yet they qualify for a full parasite's pension after only 6 years of lying and stealing from the public. Disgusting .

Some B.C. legislators qualified for full pension a day before election

VICTORIA — British Columbia's snap election on Saturday was held a day after a dozen legislators crossed the threshold for a pension, including four NDP MLAs who lost their ridings or did not run.
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Brenda Bailey attends a blessing ceremony for the first tower at the Senakw Indigenous-led housing development being built by the Squamish Nation, in Vancouver, on Friday, May 8, 2026. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Darryl Dyck

VICTORIA — British Columbia's snap election on Saturday was held a day after a dozen legislators crossed the threshold for a pension, including four NDP MLAs who lost their ridings or did not run.

The clerk's office at the legislature said the pensions of legislators first elected on Oct. 24, 2020 became vested on Friday, Oct. 23.

Nine NDP MLAs crossed the six-year-threshold the day before Saturday's election, while premier-designate Lorne Doerkson was among three Conservative legislators who reached the benchmark that day.

Former ministers Brenda Bailey and Kelly Greene did not seek re-election, while Susie Chant and Harwinder Sandhu lost their re-election bids.

The NDP's Brittny Anderson, Jennifer Whiteside, Niki Sharma, Josie Osborne and Grace Lore were all re-elected, as were Conservatives Bruce Banman, Trevor Halford and Doerkson, and all are now eligible for a pension when they turn 65.

Legislators contribute 11 per cent of their pensionable earnings to their plan, and receive an annual pension based on an accrual rate of 3.5 per cent of their highest three-year average pensionable earnings.

After six years, a legislator would therefore qualify for an annual pension of 21 per cent of those average earnings, while the maximum pension is 70 per cent.

The basic salary for a legislator is about $122,000, while ministers receive a top-up of about $61,000.

Former Conservative leader John Rustad said the timing around the pensions might not have played a role in the thinking of former NDP leader David Eby when he called the election.

"But if he went to his caucus and said, 'I'm thinking about having an election,' there probably would have been some people that say, 'just don't call it early,'" he added.

The BC NDP caucus did not immediately respond to a question about whether the pension vesting date played any role in the timing of the election.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 28, 2026.

Wolfgang Depner, The Canadian Press

Wednesday, 28 October 2026

THEY START EVERY WAR

 The u.s. government starts every war they get involved in , one way or another . If they are not directly involved in the shit , they have provoked others to do it for them so they can profit from bloodshed every time . Such is their history from the founding of the country . Read this :

The bonafide aggressors of war

WW commentary

The U.S. and Israel announced on Oct. 22 that they are planning military strikes on Iran after the U.S. midterm elections on Nov. 3, with the aim of toppling the Iranian government. The Zionist elections for a new Knesset (Israeli parliament), including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu running for reelection, are scheduled for Oct. 27.

New York City, Feb. 28, 2026. (WW photo: Brenda Ryan)

The U.S. and Israel carried out a joint attack on Iran on Feb. 28, massacring over 168 school children in Minab and assassinating the beloved Iranian leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Since that fateful day, Iran has shut down and restricted any commercial ships from using the Strait of Hormuz, which is used to more efficiently transport vital supplies like oil, food and commercial goods. This justifiable move by Iran continues to wreak havoc on the world economy, including in the U.S.

Despite ongoing military and economic attacks by the U.S. and Israel on Iran, along with more U.S. sanctions, Iran has been winning the war. Iran has shut down the majority of U.S. bases throughout West Asia, forcing the evacuation of troops, leading to growing demoralization and opposition to the war among GIs.

Whether an attack by the U.S. and Israel will actually be carried out could depend on the outcomes of both elections, with both President #47’s and Netanyahu’s administrations facing deepening political crises and permanent fallout in their economies. And because of these crises, the war on Iran has become overwhelmingly unpopular in the U.S. and is becoming more unpopular in Israel.

For instance, there have been mass anti-Netanyahu protests in Tel Aviv leading up to the election. Just recently, Itimar Ben Gvir, Israel’s ultraright minister of national security, was forced to abandon the stage at the University of Tel Aviv when protesters disrupted his talk with chants of “There will be no fascism here!”

People pay the cost of war

The Israeli economy continues to plummet, not only due to mounting military debts with its war on Iran while battling with the resistance movement Hezbollah in Lebanon, but also from its ongoing genocide in Gaza and siege of the West Bank. The war debt of over USD $321 billion amounts to close to 70% of Israel’s gross domestic product since the Hamas-led Al-Aqsa flood on Oct. 7, 2023.

As of Sept. 3, the Department of Defense has so far spent over $47 billion on the war against Iran, more than 25% than the DoD estimate in July. (Reuters, Oct. 27).  This is an estimated $2,000 per U.S. household so far. (Yahoo! News)  The war, which #47 declared would end quickly in the spring, caused his popularity rating to plummet to 22%. It is no wonder that #47 is worried that the Republican Party will lose its majority votes in both Houses of Congress on Nov. 3.

According to a segment on CBS Sunday Morning, a report from the Institute of Social Research at the University of Michigan stated that since the start of the war against Iran, consumer confidence has been at its lowest point in modern history. The reasons given were that increased wages have not kept up with inflation; grocery prices rose by 4.1% over the past two years (Bureau of Labor Statistics); gasoline prices have risen by 35% over two years as of Oct. 15, 2024-26; and mortgage payments have risen to over 7.1% for a 30-year fixed rate as of Oct. 18.

No matter what happens after these elections, they will not change the fact that the real culprits in this war of aggression are Israel and the U.S. They not only want to overthrow the sovereign and independent government of Iran, but want to control the strategic waterways of the Strait of Hormuz to dominate the world’s commerce.

These war threats are not a sign of strength but a sign of fear and desperation over how the global capitalist economic crisis is impacting both countries. For the U.S. and Israel, war is the only answer as uprisings, especially led by youth and students, first begun in the Global South, have spread like wildfire throughout the Global North.

And the political compass for all these uprisings is the Axis of Resistance, in Occupied Palestine, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon and Yemen. And it is important for the antiwar movement in the imperialist centers, especially in the U.S. and Europe, to be on the alert to organize a sustained anti-imperialist mobilization in the streets among both U.S. civilians and the military rank and file.

Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has stressed that if the United States chooses war over diplomacy, it will certainly suffer a strategic defeat far greater than those of the past.

Tuesday, 27 October 2026

REAL PROBLEMS

 While we're over here wringing our hands and pissing our pants about pig dorkson being the new premier , there are real problems out there . 

Israel Votes Three Years into Genocide: Everything to Know About Election Day

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (L), former military chief Gadi Eisenkot and former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett. (Design: PC)
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By Palestine Chronicle Staff  

Israelis are voting in a closely contested election shaped by war, coalition deadlock and disputes over Palestinian participation and rights.

Key Takeaways

  • More than 7.3 million Israelis are eligible to elect the 120-member Knesset, with neither major bloc assured of a governing majority.
  • Palestinian citizens of Israel can vote, while millions of Palestinians living under Israeli occupation cannot participate in choosing the government.
  • Haaretz reported that Likud plans to film Arab voters outside polling stations, amid discussions about alleging electoral fraud if it loses.

Who is Voting and Who is Excluded?

Voting opened Tuesday in Israel’s parliamentary election, the first general vote since the start of its genocide in Gaza in October 2023 and the subsequent wars across the region.

According to the Central Elections Committee, 7,331,981 people are eligible to vote across 12,018 polling stations. Approximately 18,000 ballot boxes have been prepared, with around 100,000 election workers deployed, Anadolu news agency reported.

Most polling stations opened at 7 am local time and will close at 10 pm. Voters still waiting in line at closing time will be allowed to cast their ballots, according to Al Jazeera. Election Day is a public holiday.

Thirty-seven parties and electoral lists are competing for the Knesset’s 120 seats. Quds News Network reported that recent polls suggest approximately 13 lists could cross the electoral threshold.

The electorate includes Jewish Israelis and Palestinian citizens of Israel. It also includes adult illegal Israeli Jewish settlers living in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem.

Millions of Palestinians living under Israeli control, however, have no vote in the election.


Al-Jazeera reported that approximately three million adult Palestinians in Gaza, the occupied West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem cannot participate in choosing the government that exercises control over their borders, movement and legal circumstances.

Most Palestinians in occupied East Jerusalem hold residency status rather than Israeli citizenship. They can vote in Jerusalem municipal elections but cannot vote for the Knesset.

In the occupied West Bank, illegal settlers can participate in national elections while neighboring Palestinians living under Israeli military occupation cannot.

Most Israeli citizens abroad also cannot cast absentee ballots. Exceptions apply to diplomats and certain state representatives. According to the Central Elections Committee figures cited by Anadolu, 4,218 people voted at polling stations established at 99 diplomatic missions on October 15–16.

The election takes place amid continuing Israeli attacks in Gaza, military offensives elsewhere in the region and escalating attacks on Palestinians in the occupied West Bank.

Who is Competing, and What is at Stake?

The central contest pits Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s governing bloc against opposition parties led by former military chief Gadi Eisenkot, whose Yashar party is competing with Likud to become the largest party.

Other major contenders include the Together alliance led by former prime minister Naftali Bennett, alongside Yair Lapid; the Democrats, led by Yair Golan; and Avigdor Lieberman’s Yisrael Beiteinu.

Netanyahu’s allies include National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir’s Jewish Power, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich’s Religious Zionism and the ultra-Orthodox parties.

The Arab lists include the Joint List, headed by Yousef Jabareen, and the United Arab List, or Ra’am, led by Mansour Abbas.

Al-Jazeera reported that the Supreme Court overturned attempts to disqualify both Arab lists on October 2, finding that the evidence did not meet the legal requirements. Sami Abu Shehadeh, leader of the National Democratic Assembly, withdrew after the court indicated that a majority of judges would support barring his candidacy.

Arab parties could influence the parliamentary balance, but most leaders of the Jewish opposition bloc have ruled out forming a governing alliance with them.

The contest between Netanyahu and Eisenkot also does not represent a choice between support for and opposition to Palestinian statehood: both reject the establishment of a Palestinian state, Anadolu reported.


Netanyahu is seeking to remain in office while facing a domestic corruption trial involving bribery, fraud and breach of trust, charges he denies. He also faces an International Criminal Court arrest warrant over war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during Israel’s war on Gaza.

His current government, in office since December 2022, has been widely described as the most far-right in Israel’s history.

Several issues dominate the campaign. One is the continuing absence of an official commission of inquiry into the security failures surrounding October 7, 2023. Another is the dispute over military service exemptions for ultra-Orthodox men, with critics arguing that the exemptions impose an unequal burden on other Israelis.

Netanyahu’s efforts to restrict the Supreme Court’s powers remain divisive, as do the costs and outcomes of Israel’s wars. Al Jazeera reported that the defense budget has doubled since 2023, adding pressure to public finances amid concerns over prices and wages.

Opposition leaders urged high turnout Tuesday. Lieberman called for an end to Netanyahu’s political era, while Eisenkot argued that replacing him depended on Yashar becoming the largest party.

“There is only one path to achieving change and replacing Netanyahu, and that is the Yashar path,” Eisenkot wrote on X, according to Anadolu.

Democrats lawmaker Gilad Kariv warned that Netanyahu’s allies would circulate misleading claims during voting.

“In the coming hours, Netanyahu and his associates will flood you with fake news and misleading messages in an attempt to undermine the elections by spreading lies and illusions,” he said. “Our response must be a massive turnout at the polls.”

Arab Voter Surveillance, Counting and Coalition Scenarios

Concerns over the treatment of Arab voters intensified after the Isreali newspaper Haaretz reported that Likud planned to deploy paid teams outside polling stations in Arab towns to film voters and report developments to party headquarters in real time.

According to Anadolu’s account of the report, Likud spent millions of shekels recruiting workers for the initiative.

By operating outside polling stations rather than inside them, the teams would avoid the strict rules governing official election observers, Haaretz reported.

The newspaper also said senior Likud officials had discussed alleging that the election was rigged if the party suffered substantial losses. Sources close to Netanyahu said he was considering the proposal, although the report found no evidence that he personally attended meetings where it was discussed.


A senior Likud official involved in election operations described allegations concerning the previous election as groundwork for the current vote.

“2022 was a trial run for the current election,” the official said.

Likud sources indicated that recordings could be circulated as purported evidence of fraud, even though the teams have no legal authority to verify voters’ identities.

Separately, police announced the deployment of 20,000 officers, including uniformed and undercover personnel, at polling locations and surrounding areas. Police said the deployment was intended to protect voters, prevent disruption and maintain public order.

Once ballots are cast, the determining question will be which parties can assemble a parliamentary majority.

Israelis vote for party lists rather than directly electing a prime minister. Parties must receive at least 3.25% of valid votes to enter the Knesset, with seats allocated broadly according to their national vote share.

Forming a governing coalition requires the support of at least 61 of the 120 lawmakers. Finishing first does not automatically give a party leader the premiership.

Recent polls suggest that neither Netanyahu’s bloc nor the Jewish opposition parties will independently reach that threshold, raising the possibility of prolonged negotiations, a unity government or another election.

Counting begins after polling stations close at 10 pm, when television networks are expected to release exit polls. Those projections will provide an initial picture rather than a final result.


Initial results are expected overnight and into Wednesday. The Central Elections Committee is scheduled to publish official results by November 4.

Israeli President Isaac Herzog is expected to begin consultations with elected parties approximately a week after the vote before selecting a lawmaker to attempt to form a government.

The designated candidate normally receives 28 days, with a possible 14-day extension, to negotiate a coalition. Failure to assemble a government can ultimately lead to another election.

Tuesday’s vote is Israel’s sixth general election since 2019. According to the Central Elections Committee accounts cited by Anadolu and QNN, it is the first since 1988 held after completion of a full four-year parliamentary term.

Whatever the immediate outcome, Netanyahu remains head of a caretaker government until a new government is sworn in.